hello children

i sadly don't really use deviant art anymore i have another account which i'll check more reguarly than this one, which is ermmm bella-the-dork I think, but really, if you wanna talk to me you should add me on myspace.

[link]

i'm not really into drawing anymore. i realised how crap i was and kinda gave up XD

My page still comes up when you search for Brecht or conventional theatre..... BAHAHAHAHAHA!!

N-O-OOO! Now my page will be forevermore linked with the terrible Brecht. I hate you, Brecht

I was doing additional research for my Brecht assignment (it was the journal entry called "I really hate the school computers") and I realised that my deviant art page kept coming up when you searched for Brecht in Google XD BAHAHAH! Hopefully none of my classmates stumbled upon my research.
I'll laugh if some idiot puts down Deviant Art in their bibliography. Sadly, I know people stupid enough to do that.

Anyway....Smart one, Bella.

Err, I've pretty much abandoned Deviant Art I'm sorry! I just haven't been inspired to draw really. The other day, after a conversation with ~FriendlyMotherRabbit, I drew a quick sketch of a fantasy girl. But I hate my style so much. I just feel really crap at drawing, and I don't really have fun drawing anymore. So yeah, I don't know. I'd prefer to become a better writer, rather than an artist :/

If anyone still wants to keep in contact with me, then you should add me on myspace. Because that's pretty much where I hang out nowadays. Or just add me to msn: bellacrea@hotmail.com

I'll TRY to be more active on here in the future.. I don't want to leave this account completely. Maybe I'll submit writing stuff instead? I don't knowww...

Cavazzi. F. (2006) “Lucius Cornelius Sulla.” Illustrated History of the Roman Empire (online) Retrieved on 10th August 2006 from [link]
Lucius Cornelius Sulla (138-78 BC)

Lucius Cornelius Sulla stemmed from a good, though not very wealthy Roman family. He came to prominence most of all in the Social War (91-89 BC). When in 88 BC Mithridates, King of Pontus, attacked the Roman province of Asia, where a alleged 80'000 Romans and Italians were massacred, the senate decided on Sulla, who was then one of the current consuls, to be commander of the army against Mithridates.
But the Tribune of the People Suplicus Rufus called for the command to be given to Marius. The concilium plebis backed this proposal. But Sulla proved a man not to be messed with. He marched on Rome at the head of six legions and forced the reversal of this decision.
This type of action was to prove typical of Sulla's methods.
After successfully completing his campaign against Mithridates Sulla returned back to Italy. Other than having command of a battle-hardened army he held no office. Sulla was not to wait for anyone to offer him any political position. Far more he simply marched on Rome and took it by force. The consuls Gnaeus Papirius Carbo and Marius the Younger could not raise an army powerful enough to fend him off. And so Sulla took charge. He was not to take power as an elected consul, but in the position of dictator, a post specially set aside in the Roman constitution for times of military crisis.
Though this was not a military crisis and Sulla hardly cared. The position simply allowed him complete power.
He now introduced a new judicial device called 'proscription'. This meant the publication of lists of any people he deemed undesirable. Rewards would be made to those who brought them in, be they dead or alive. It goes without saying that Sulla used this device in order to annihilate any political opposition, rather than to track down any real criminals.
40 senators and 1600 equestrians supposedly died in this first wave of gruesome proscriptions.
Sulla undoubtedly had all the hallmarks of a Stalin, Mussolini or Hitler. He even revelled in calling assemblies at which he would hold grand speeches, threatening and intimidating all those he claimed to be his enemies, as well as his own audience.
But dictators like Sulla don't just stop killing because the names on the list are exhausted. Instead he began adding new names of people who had become 'enemies of the state'. There was no place people, once on those lists, were safe. Even those who took refuge in temples were killed. Some might have ben hauled before him and thrown at his feet. They were killed nonetheless. Others fell victim to the mob, being literally lynched by a bloodthirsty crowd. Those suspects who only had all their belongings confiscated and were then thrown out of Rome were indeed the lucky ones among those who felt Sulla's wrath, and should any have managed to flee, then an intricate network of spies sought to track them down overseas.
Alas, Sulla was not only to be remembered as a butcher. He also used his position to reform the constitution. Strangely for a man who himself ignored the senate's wishes and who killed an unprecedented number of its members, he did much to restore its authority.
After the damaging conflicts with the Gracchi brothers and their infamous use of other assemblies, the senate was now reaffirmed as the highest body, entitled to veto any decision reached by another assembly. The power held by the Tribunes of the People was virtually abolished, as they now no longer possessed the power to challenge the senate.
Membership to the senate was roughly doubled, many equestrians and magistrates of other cities being added to their ranks.
Further he introduced a law by which any new member to be admitted to the senate had at least to have held the position of quaestor beforehand. This was no doubt to assure the senate remained a body of political and administrative experience.
Also, in order to prevent the re-emergence of serial office holders like the Gracchi, Sulla restored the ten year waiting period before one could hold the same public office a second time.
Additional to this, perhaps to prevent any meteoric rise to power by people like the Gracchi brothers, he introduced a rule by which anyone holding office would have to wait at least two years before he could be nominated for the next higher office.
Of course such restrictions were to make the struggle for power among the ambitious young sons of powerful families all the more intense.
Sulla also instituted legal reforms, which created new courts for particular types of crime. Also his reforms highlighted between civil and criminal legal procedures. Here, too, the senate found its authority strengthened, as Sulla's reforms allowed only senior senators to sit as judges.
Unusually for a tyrant, Sulla retired in 79 BC. He spent his last years on his country estate, writing his memoirs. Within a short time he died of old age.


UNRV.com. (2003-2006) “Lucius Cornelius Sulla”. UNRV.com (online) retrieved on 10th August 2006 from [link]
Lucius Cornelius Sulla

Felix (the lucky) 138 - 78 BC
The life of Sulla is one of stark contrast and yet striking similarities to those of Marius, and later, Caesar. Thanks to Sulla's own personal memoirs, which have been lost to history, though preserved through the works of others, such as Plutarch and perhaps Appian, we actually know a great deal about him and the time period. Sulla was cunning and ruthless when necessary, but a brilliant politician and formidable commander as well. While he didn't necessarily begin the "Fall of the Republic", the activities of Sulla were definitely a major contribution.
Sulla was a member of a down and out branch of the patrician Cornelii family. Born into near poverty, compared to other patricians, he spent his youth without hope of restoring the family name. Ancient sources suggest that two timely family inheritances were the catalyst that allowed Sulla to move into politics. With enough financial security to run for public office, and the fortunate (for him) situations with the Germanic Cimbri and the War with Jugurtha, Sulla was granted an opportunity to alter his course in life. Just as Gaius Marius was coming into power of his own, Sulla broke into Roman politics and was elected Quaestor. His next fortunate break was to serve under Marius in Africa.
During the War with Jugurtha, Sulla gained valuable command skills despite relatively minor military action. The war under Marius was definitely working in the favor of Rome, but bottling up the elusive Numidian and destroying his army was a near impossible task. In a brilliant act of diplomacy, Sulla went with authority of Marius to King Bocchus of Mauretania. Bocchus, an ally of Jugurtha, was tiring of the war and was concerned that Rome would eventually win out. Trying to avoid the potential punishment, Sulla was able to convince Bocchus to betray Jugurtha and capture him during a private meeting. The plan worked as suggested, and Sulla soon had custody of the Numidian King, effectively ending the war. While Marius, who was in command, claimed the bulk of the credit, Sulla would, for many years, claim the victory belonged to him. Whatever else had occurred between the men while on campaign, this incident certainly formed the foundation of a bitter rivalry.
Upon their return to Rome, the next threat facing Rome was migrating Germanic Cimbri and Teutones. Marius took command of one force to stop the Teutones, while Sulla joined Marius' rival Catulus in a force to stop the Cimbri. All accounts suggest that Sulla was not only invaluable to Catulus, but that he very well may have saved the Legions and turned the tide in Rome's favor. At the battle of Vercellae in 101 BC, Catulus, with Sulla, defeated the Cimbri and the threat from the Germanics was over. Marius and Catulus, as co-consuls, were honored with a joint triumph, while Sulla's bitterness grew. Returning to Rome from the campaign, Sulla was next elected as Praetor urbanus. While allegations of massive bribery followed him, it didn't stop his political advancement. After his service to Rome, he was appointed as a Propraetor governor of the eastern province of Cilicia.
Sulla Marches on Rome
While Sulla was governing Cilicia, he played a pivotal role in expressing Rome's power to its eastern provinces and rival kingdoms. Much as Marius had done earlier with Mithridates, Sulla's intimidating presence left a lasting impression. Even the powerful Parthian empire sent ambassadors to meet with him. Sulla certainly made a lasting impression in this first major official contact between Rome and Parthia. Sulla's governorship would be largely uneventful, however, and he returned to Rome just as the political rivalry between Marius and the Senatorial Optimates was heating up.
By 89 BC, the social and political climate with Rome and Italia were at a fever pitch. The Italian allies of Rome, after years of lawful attempts to gain full citizenship, had finally had enough. The murder of their advocate, Drusus, in the Roman Senate, set off an armed conflict which would become known as the Social War. Also known as the Marsic War, as the Marsii tribe led the revolt, many Italian tribes revolted against Roman power in an attempt to either gain citizenship, or set up an exclusive state of their own. In a war that would last 3 years, mainly because of political fighting over which factions should have command, Sulla would surpass Marius and become the most prominent general of the time. By the end of the war, Sulla for all practical purposes, was in overall command of the campaign; and his reward for victory was his election as Consul for 88 BC.
In the heart of the Social War, Mithridates VI of Pontus began stirring up trouble in the east. Looking to expand his own fledgling empire, he was directly responsible for the assassination of political rivals and invasions into neighboring Kingdoms. While Rome protested his actions, there was little that could be done while occupied with the Italians. Mithridates would eventually take control of Asia Minor, Greece, Thrace and part of Macedon while the Romans were forced to wait out there own troubles. At the close of the Social War, however, the situation came to a head when Mithridates ordered the execution of up to 80,000 Roman citizens in Asia Minor, and as many as 150,000 latin rights allies. Sulla as Consul, was appointed to take command of the effort against Mithridates, but Marius and his followers had other plans.
Sulla prepared his legions and began the march from Italy to the east. No sooner was he gone, however, than the aging Marius convinced his tribunal ally Sulpicius Rufus to put the matter of the Mithridatic command to a vote with the citizen assemblies. Still extremely popular with the commoners, Marius' desire to have the command for himself was ratified in the assemblies. Sulla was never a man to give up without a fight, though, and the ambition of both men would lead to yet more civil strife. Sulla refused to accept the political coercion of Marius and consulted with his generals on the feasibility of marching on Rome. While most of his officers resigned, rather than be a part of it, Sulla was undeterred. For the first time in history, a Roman general was about to march on Rome with legions in order to gain political power.
Sulla then broke camp and entered Rome shortly after, in 88 BC. Taking full control, he portrayed himself as the victim of Marius' intrigue against his rightful command and gave Rome a first glimpse of the future dictatorship of Sulla. He declared Marius and his followers as outlaws and enemies of the Roman state, though Marius escaped to Africa. The powers of the Tribunes were reduced and the Senate's strengthened in order to protect Roman law from the whims of the common classes. Many political rivals were hunted down and killed, but there was little time for Sulla to consolidate his power, as Mithridates waited. A new consul, L. Cornelius Cinna, was left to govern Rome, and Sulla marched back east.
No sooner had Sulla left, however, than Cinna, through political intrigue of his own, fell into disfavor with the Senate. Banished from Rome, Cinna's only choice to regain his power was to ally with Marius. With Sulla beyond reach, Marius and Cinna returned to Rome with troops of their own. Returning Sulla's favor, Cinna and Marius took control violently and the bloodbath of Roman politicians grew. Nothing before like it had ever occurred in Rome, and murder was becoming a telling pattern in Roman politics. Marius and Cinna forced through their elections as Consuls for 86 BC, but Marius, in his seventh Consulship, died just 17 days into it. Cinna was left to rule Rome ruthlessly, and would continue to rule, in the absence of Sulla, for the next three years.
Sulla, meanwhile, had to allow matters to unfold beyond his control. His primary duty was the defeat of Mithridates and the re-establishment of Roman power in the east. For now, Cinna and the Marian political faction would have to wait, but revenge would prove far deadlier than anything that had come before it.
By 87 BC, Sulla, having been appointed to Consular command of the expedition, only to have it taken away by Marius, and then reaffirmed by marching on Rome, was ready to face Mithridates. While Sulla was gathering strength on his move, the Macedonian governor Sentius recalled Sura to grant Sulla full control of the campaign. Conveniently, Mithridates launched an attack on Macedonia that was repulsed due to Sura's timely recall. With 5 legions and whatever local forces he could muster, Sulla was now in complete command and able to fully concentrate on re-establishing control of the region from the Mithridatic forces.
Sulla's Offensive
Sulla's initial goal was the immediate conquest of Mithridates' strongholds in Greece. Athens and its main port, the Piraeus, were the obvious targets and Sulla ordered a direct assault. Defended by Archelaus, the plan was nearly a disaster as the walled port was in excellent defensive position with access to reinforcement by sea. Sulla was forced to withdraw in order to secure local funding and prepare proper siege equipment. The entire campaign year of 87 BC was spent in siege of both Athens and Piraeus with little success. By the winter, Sulla abandoned his plan on the Piraeus while keeping the siege of Athens intact. A chief legate, Lucullus was sent abroad to Egypt and Syria in order to arrange for a fleet, with the hopes that naval operations could stave off re-supply and reinforcement.
By Spring of 86 BC, however, the tide turned for Sulla, despite the absence of Lucullus and his fleet. Athens finally surrendered and the town was sacked. The assault on the Piraeus was continued but Archelaus sensed the situation to be untenable and finally decided to withdraw. The Piraeus was burned upon its capture, but without a fleet to block access to the sea, Archelaus' army was able to get away unharmed. He continued on to Macedonia, where a new Mithridatic army had recently invaded and taken control from the Romans. Archelaus joined with and assumed command of this newer force nearly tripling the size of Sulla's manpower. With renewed confidence Archelaus moved south once again into Greece to face Sulla.
The two armies would meet at the town of Chaeronea in Boeotia. Marching south from Thessaly, Archelaus an able commander, positioned himself on high ground and in a position to cut off Sulla's route of supply and escape. Sulla was forced to give battle in a greatly outnumbered situation. Under a full assault, Sulla's veterans managed to hold under the pressure. Sulla proved his military brilliance by personally ordering the movement of troops to key positions throughout the battle. Shoring up weakening lines and exploiting advantages left by the enemy, the Romans managed to persevere. Eventually, Archelaus' own flank broke and what seemed to initially be an excellent opportunity for him, turned into a full scale rout of his army. He managed to escape with about 10,000 men, but his losses were far greater. Hailed as imperator by his men (a requirement for a triumph) Sulla was left at least temporarily in complete control of Greece.
With his rival, Cinna, taking control of Rome and all the ensuing political upheaval, an additional Roman army under Flaccus was sent to occupy Mithridates in Asia. Since Sulla had been earlier declared a public enemy to Rome due to his actions in marching on the city before his eastern campaign, Sulla was concerned over this new army's real destination. As it marched through Macedonia to meet with with an apparant objective to counter Mithridates, Sulla moved north to keep an eye on it. Archelaus, meanwhile, was given time to gather strength and recruit a new army on the island of Euboea. Flaccus apparently had no intention of interfering with Sulla, but in the interim Archelaus crossed back into Boeotia, forcing Sulla moved to move south. Meeting at the town of Orchomenos Sulla's forces began to dig in defensively, but with little time to spare before Archelaus' arrival, they were unable to complete their preparations. In another hard fought battle, the Romans again defeated Archelaus. This time though, the encounter was a complete victory and Greece was completely at the whim of Sulla. Mithridates had already lost 2 large forces in Greece, faced impending invasion by Flaccus and was now also in the precarious position of putting down unrest in his recently conquered Asia. Despite their actions against the Roman citizenry there, the local towns were seemingly beginning to realize that they had made a huge mistake and hoped that rebellion against Mithridates would win them leniency for their actions in the earlier mass killing of Roman citizens and allies.
Roman Victory
In 86 BC, after Sulla's victory in Orchomenos, he initially spent some time re-establishing Roman authority. His legate soon arrived with the fleet he was sent to gather, and Sulla was ready to recapture lost Greek islands before crossing into Asia Minor. The second Roman army under the command of Flaccus meanwhile moved through Macedonia and into Asia Minor. After the capture of Philippi, remaining Mithridatic forces crossed the Hellspont away from the Romans. The Romans, under Flaccus' subordinate C. Flavius Fimbria, were encouraged to loot and create general havoc as it went, creating problems between Flaccus and Fimbria. Flaccus was a fairly strict disciplinarian and the behavior of his lieutenant led to discord between the two.
At some point as this army crossed the Hellspont while giving chase to Mithridates' forces, Fimbria seems to have started a rebellion against Flaccus. While seemingly minor enough to not cause immediate repercussions in the field, Fimbria was relieved of his duty and ordered back to Rome. The return trip included a stop at the port city of Byzantium, however, and here Fimbria took command of the garrison, rather than continue home. Flaccus, hearing of this, marched his army to Byzantium to put a stop to the rebellion, but walked right into his own undoing. The army preferred Fimbria (not surprising considering his leniency in regard to plunder) and a general revolt ensued. Flaccus attempted to flee, but was captured shortly after and the rightful Consular commander was executed. With Flaccus out of the way, Fimbria took complete command.
The following year (85 BC) Fimbria took the fight to Mithridates while Sulla continued to operate on the Greek Islands of the Aegaeum. Fimbria quickly won a decisive victory over remaining Mithridatic forces and moved on the capital of Pergamum. With all vestige of hope crumbling for Mithridates, he fled Pergamum to the coastal city of Pitane. Fimbria was in hot pursuit, laying siege to the town, but knowing he couldn't prevent Mithridates' escape by sea. Fimbria called upon Sulla's legate, Lucullus to bring his fleet around to block Mithridates in, but it seems that Sulla had other plans.
Sulla apparently had been in private negotiation with Mithridates to end the war. He wanted to develop easy terms and get the ordeal over as quickly as possible. The quicker it was dealt with, the faster he would be able to settle political matters in Rome. With this in mind, Lucullus and his navy refused to help Fimbria, and Mithridates 'escaped' to Lesbos. Later at Dardanus, Sulla and Mithridates met personally to negotiate terms. With Fimbria re-establishing Roman hegemony over the cities of Asia Minor, Mithridates position was completely untenable. Yet Sulla, with his eyes on Rome, offered uncharacteristically mild terms. Mithridates was forced to give up all his conquests (which Sulla and Fimbria had already managed to take back by force), surrender any Roman prisoners, provide a 70 ship fleet to Sulla along with supplies, and pay a tribute of 2,000 to 3,000 gold talents. In exchange, Mithridates was able to keep his original kingdom and territory and regain his title of "friend of the Roman people."
For all intensive purposes, Sulla's settlement made it seem as if the war had never happened. He used his victory to gain supplies and money to seemingly finance his coming expedition back to Rome, while Mithridates suffered little for his actions. It's still difficult to determine Sulla's exact mindset however. There is evidence that he was still in some sort of loose contact with the Senate despite his declaration as an enemy of the Roman state. Magistrates, especially ones favorable to Sulla, were still being elected in Rome and sent east to govern without interference. Depsite Sulla's later claims, Rome under Cinna was relatively calm and the full Senate seemed to participate in legislation and debate. Perhaps as long as Sulla had his legions, the Senate would not act, but it didn't really do anything to counter Sulla's command even from an insubstantial legal standpoint.
But things in the east weren't yet settled. Fimbria was enjoying free reign in the province of Asia and led a cruel oppression of both those who were involved against Romans, and those who were now in support of Sulla. Unable to leave a potentially dangerous army in his rear, Sulla crossed into Asia. He pursued Fimbria to his camp at Thyatira where Fimbria was confident in his ability to repulse an attack. Fimbria, however, soon found that his men wanted nothing to do with opposing Sulla and many deserted or refused to fight in the coming battle. Sensing all was lost, Fimbria surrendered by taking his own life, while his army went over to Sulla.
To ensure the loyalty of both Fimbria's troops and his own veterans, who weren't happy about the easy treatment of their enemy, Mithridates, Sulla now started to penalize the province of Asia. His veterans were scattered throughout the province and allowed to extort the wealth of local communities. Large fines were placed on the province for lost taxes during their rebellion and the cost of the war. With his army gaining their unorthodox method of 'plunder', it wouldn't be long before Sulla would make his next move.
As the year 84 BC rolled in, Cinna, still Consul in Rome, was faced with minor disturbances among Illyrian tribes. Perhaps in an attmept to gain experience for an army to act as a counter to Sulla's forces, or to show Sulla that the Senate also had some strength of its own, Cinna raised an army to deal with this Illyrian problem. Conveniently the source of the disturbance was located directly between Sulla and another march on Rome. Cinna pushed his men hard to move to position in Illyria and forced marches through snow covered mountains did little to endear Cinna to his army. A short time after departing Rome, Cinna was stoned to death by his own men and history was about to take another fateful step. Hearing of Cinna's death, and the ensuing power gap in Rome, Sulla gathered his forces and prepared for a second march on the capital.
Sulla's Civil War
As Cinna's death reverberated throughout the Roman world, Sulla realized his opportunity to take full advantage. In 83 BC Sulla prepared his 5 legions and left the 2 originally under Fimbria to maintain peace in Asia Minor. In the spring of that year, Sulla crossed the Adriatic with a large fleet from Patrae, near Corinth, to Brundisium and Tarentum in the heel of Italy. Landing uncontested, he was given ample opportunity to prepare for the coming war.
In Rome, the newly elected Consuls, L. Cornelius Scipio Asiagenus and C. Norbanus levied and prepared armies of their own to stop Sulla and protect the Republican government. Norbanus marched first with the intention of blocking a Sullan advance at Canusium. Seriously defeated Norbanus was forced to retreat to Capua where there was no respite. Sulla followed his defeated adversary and won another victory in a very short time. Meanwhile Asiagenus was also on the march south with an army of his own. Asiagenus or his army, however, seemed to have little motivation to fight. At the town of Teanum Sidicinum, Sulla and Asiagenus met face to face to negotiate and Asiagenus surrendered without a fight. The army sent to stop Sulla wavered in the face of battle against experienced veterans, and certainly along with the prodding of Sulla's operatives, gave up the cause, going over to Sulla's side as a result. Left without an army, Asiagenus had little choice but to cooperate and later writings of Cicero suggest that the two men actually discussed many matters regarding Roman government and the Constitution.
Sulla let Asiagenus leave the camp, firmly believing him to be a supporter. He was possibly expected to deliver terms to the Senate but immediately rescinded any thought of supporting Sulla upon being set free. Sulla later made it publicly known that not only would Asiagenus suffer for opposing him, but that any man who continued to oppose him after this betrayal would suffer bitter consequences. With Sulla's three quick victories, though, the situation began to rapidly turn in his favor. Many of those in a position of power, who had not yet taken a clear side, now chose to support Sulla. The first of these was Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius who governed Africa. The old enemy of Marius, and assuredly of Cinna as well, led an open revolt against the Marian forces in Africa. Additional help came from Picenum and Spain. Two of the three future Triumvirs joined Sulla's cause in his bid to take control. Marcus Licinius Crassus marched with an army from Spain, and would later play a pivotal role at the Colline Gates. The young son of Pompeius Strabo (the butcher of Asculum during the Social War), raised an army of his own from among his father's veterans and threw his lot in with Sulla. At the tender age of 23, and never having held a Senatorial office, Pompey forced himself into the political scene with an army at his back.
Regardless, the war would continue on with Asiagenus raising another army in defense. This time he moved after Pompey, but once again, his army abandoned him and went over to the enemy. As a result, desperation followed in Rome as the year 83 came to a close. The Senate re-elected Cinna's old co-Consul, Papirius Carbo, to his third term, and Gaius Marius the Younger, the 26 year old son of the great general, to his first. Hoping to inspire Marian supporters throughout the Roman world, recruiting began in earnest among the Italian tribes who had always been loyal to Marius. In additional counter measures from an intimidation perspective more blood shed against possible Sullan supporters took place. The urban praetor L. Junius Brutus Damasippus led a slaughter of those Senators who seemed to lean towards the invading forces, yet one more incident of murder in a growing spiral of violence as a political tool in the late Republic.
As the campaign year of 82 BC opened, Carbo took his forces to the north to oppose Pompey while Marius moved against Sulla in the south. Attempts to defeat Pompey failed and Metellus with his African forces along with Pompey secured northern Italy for Sulla. In the South, Marius gathered a large host of Samnites who assuredly would lose influence with the anti-popular Sulla in charge of Rome. Marius met Sulla at Sacriportus and the two forces engaged in a long and desperate battle. In the end, many of Marius' men switched sides over to Sulla and he had no choice but to retreat to Praeneste. Sulla followed the son of his arch-rival and laid siege to the town, leaving a subordinate in command. Sulla himself moved north to push Carbo, who had withdrawn to Etruria to stand between Rome and the forces of Pompey and Metellus.
Indecisive battles were fought between Carbo and Sulla's forces but Carbo knew that his cause was lost. News arrived of a defeat by Norbanus in Gaul, and that he also switched sides to Sulla. Carbo, caught between three enemy armies and with no hope of relief, fled to Africa. It was not yet the end of the resistance however, those remaining Marian forces gathered together and attempted several times to relieve Marius at Praeneste. A Samnite force under Pontius Telesinus joined in the relief effort but the combined armies were still unable to break Sulla. Rather than continue trying to rescue Marius, Telesinus moved north towards Rome. Sulla raced after, not wanting to give up an opportunity to win the war and claim the ultimate prize right outside the gates.
On November 1 of 82 BC, the two forces met at the battle of the Colline Gate, just outside of Rome. The battle was a huge and desperate final struggle with both sides certainly believing their own victory would save Rome. Sulla was pushed hard on his left flank with the situation so dangerous that he and his men were pushed right up against the city walls. Crassus' forces, fighting on Sulla's right however, managed to turn the opposition's flank and drive them back. The Samnites and the Marian forces were folded up and broke. In the end, over 50,000 Romans lost their lives and Sulla stood alone as the master of Rome with the following sunrise.
In a meeting the following day, and while the execution of several thousand prisoners was taking place, Sulla addressed the Senate in the temple of Bellona. Here he began to lay out the law that would eventually re-shape Roman government, at least for a time, and show the Senate what Sulla's vengeance would mean. Just as the proscription of his political enemies was about to begin, however, there were still matters to deal with outside of Rome. The siege of Marius in Praeneste continued, and Sulla needed to put an end to it to take final control.
The man recently responsible for the death of his supporters, Damasippus, was beheaded for a special purpose. In order to show Marius that Sulla now had Rome and was the victor, he had the head thrown into Praeneste as proof. It wasn't long before Marius realized that all was lost and ordered a slave to take his life. All was still not over for Sulla, however. He unleashed the young Pompey (whom later was possibly dubbed Magnus "the Great", somewhat sarcastically by Sulla), on the countryside and any remaining opposition. By 81 BC, Pompey captured and executed Carbo and the son-in-law of Cinna, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. He then brought Africa under the control of Sulla and the resistance was over. Sulla was now the undisputed ruler of Rome.
Sulla the Dictator
Sulla took control of Rome in late 82 and early 81 BC after victories in the civil war of his own making, and those of his chief legate Pompeius Magnus. With the army at his back, the Senate was forced to ignore the constitution and proclaim Sulla as Dictator of Rome for an indefinite period of time. The dictatorship, under constitutional law, was an office designed for extreme emergencies (generally military) with the intention of a 6 month term. Sulla not only butchered the constitution through various reforms he would make, but also focused his power on the leading members of the Roman ruling classes.
The new dictator introduced a judicial process called the proscription. Essentially this new concept was an open publication listing names of people he deemed to be undesirable. A reign of terror ensued with rewards offered for the death or capture of any name on the list. At first the proscriptions (including confiscation of property and not always involving physical harm) were mainly focused on Sulla's direct enemies and supporters, but eventually the death toll would reach epidemic proportions. In the first series alone, as many as 40 senators and 1,600 members of the equestrian class were murdered. Before long, in order to exact extreme control the list grew exponentially. There was simply no place to hide or run. People taking refuge in the temples were murdered; others were lynched by the Roman mob. An intricate network of spies kept Sulla informed and at his whim, tracked down anyone who might be considered an enemy of the state.
One member of the proscription lists who managed to survive was Gaius Julius Caesar. The husband of Cinna's (Sulla' rival) daughter and the nephew of Gaius Marius, he was most assuredly a top candidate for death. He managed to escape Rome prior to capture, but a delegation of Caesar's supporters made an influence on Sulla. He allowed Caesar to live in exchange for divorcing his wife, but Caesar defiantly refused. Lucky to find himself alive at all, Sulla only confiscated his wife's dowry. Sulla apparently was reluctant to let the ambitious young man live, commenting that he saw "many Mariuses" in his nature. For reasons not completely clear, Sulla did let Caesar live though and his prediction was later proven quite true.
In the midst of instituting his own form of the constitution, Sulla's power grab did little to curb corruption. The payment of large bounties to bringing in 'disloyal' Romans, and confiscation of properties certainly enriched the treasury, but it also lined the pockets of many Sullan supporters. Among these were Marcus Crassus, who it was alleged, helped build his vast fortune through the proscriptions. Others, like the young orator Marcus Tullius Cicero made names for themselves in Sulla's courts. The cases were fast and furious, and Cicero began to groom himself as the world's foremost lawyer and politician during Sulla's dictatorship.
Taking control through murder and confiscation, Sulla next focused on the laws of the state. He began his reform of the constitution in order to bring power back the Senate and away from the Tribunes. Oddly enough, after killing so many members of the senate, he became its champion. The powers of the tribunes, including veto rights, were virtually abolished. New legislation could not even be introduced without the approval of the Senate. The roles of the Senate were doubled to 600, placing powerful equestrians in the empty seats. This was more important than it may seem at first glance. As senators were limited to restrictive business opportunities, equestrians filled the gap by running powerful business empires. By moving these equestrians into the Senate, and forcing similar restrictions on them, these leaders no longer found it practical to support the popular politics of the day (and largely in contrast to the conservative Senate group) that made their businesses more lucrative.
New entries into the Senate after Sulla's reforms were also required to serve in the traditional magistrate position of quaestor before admittance into the Senate. Forcing senators to have some experience along the political path (or cursus honorum) to begin their careers also helped quell incredible and sudden rises to power by young ambitious populares. Additionally, he quelled this danger by introducing a law requiring at least a two year gap between holding an office and being elected for the next higher one. Also from this point on, office holders would be required to hold successive offices in the Cursus Honorum before being elected to the next higher one. Tribunes were further penalized to prevent Patricians from switching parties so to speak. As such, a law was passed that prevented any office holder of the Tribune of the Plebes from ever holding a higher political office in the mainstream Senatorial path (such as Consul).
The courts were also reformed, each court being assigned one of seven different types of cases. The seven types of cases were: murder and poisoning, forgery, electoral bribery, peculation (theft), assault, extortion and treason. The senate was also required to sit all cases and the equestrian class was excluded from judging cases, clearly putting the control of the courts back into the hands of the traditional familial oligarchy that was the Senate.
Sulla didn't quite abide by his own constitutional law (waiting ten years between major magistracies) when in 80 BC he forced through his own election as Consul (first was in 78 BC) and continued his policies of reform (including the settling of his veterans on confiscated lands). By the next year though, Sulla had either tired of the political life, or felt that he accomplished all that he could. In 79 BC he retired to a country villa with the intention of writing his memoirs. Before he left Rome however, Sulla confirmed long standing rumors about his own sexual behavior to a shocked audience. He announced that Metrobius, a famous actor, had been his lifetime lover. As he left Rome, he was accompanied by a large contingent of actors, dancers and prostitutes in a final act of disdain. His memoirs, which he would finish over the next year, while they have not survived, did prove a valuable resource to later Roman writers (Plutarch and Appian in particular). Sulla died shortly after, in 78 BC, opening the Roman political system to a new and even more dangerous wave of power grabs.
Decline of the Republic
After the death of Sulla in 78 BC, additional and expected power grabs were the result. Unpopular while he was still alive, Sulla's reforms went under immediate attack without fear of reprisal. Political turmoil was once again the call of the day and various personalities emerged from the restraints of Sulla's power. Among these leading men were his former supporters such as M. Aemilius Lepidus, Q. Lutatius Catulus and Marcus Licinius Crassus. Other men who opposed Sulla, such as Sertorius in Spain figured prominently as well. Two men however, rose above them all. Marcus Tullius Cicero rose to prominence by becoming arguably the most gifted orator and lawyer (along with respectable political skills) in the history of the world, while another, Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus, stood above them all as the leading military personality before Caesar.
Q. Lutatius Catulus and M. Aemilius Lepidus were elected Consuls for 78 BC and both men were staunch Sulla supporters. At first it seemed that they would maintain the status quo regarding the constitutional reforms. This was not to be the case, however, at least as it pertained to Lepidus. Almost immediately after Sulla's death, Lepidus strongly opposed the reforms and began working to overturn them, and the two Consuls maintained an unhealthy animosity towards each other. He quickly supported the reinstatement of Tribunal powers as well as several other anti-Sullan moves. Among his proposals was a new grain law benefiting the populous, the restoration of exiles and confiscated properties, cancellation of land grants to Sulla's supporters and various acts introduced by Sulla during the civil war. All of these concepts, while popular with the masses, were opposed by Catulus and the hard line optimates.
Within a year, the matter devolved into civil war once again. Lepidus, who had been given Cisalpine Gaul as his pro-Consular province had a strong and loyal clientele base there already. He used his popular agenda to ignite a revolt in Etruria (a heavily victimized area of Sulla's land grants) and gathered many of Sulla's enemies to his cause. At Faesulae in 78 BC, Lepidus' supporters attacked a colony of Sullan settlers and the Senate was forced to act. The senatus consultum ultimum was passed once again, charging Catulus with suppressing Lepidus.
As Lepidus began to gather strength in Etruria for an impending march on Rome, Catulus commissioned Pompey with attacking Lepidus' power base in Gaul. Pompey moved north to face Lepidus' legate Brutus, and the issue was quickly resolved. Brutus was likely betrayed by his own army and given over to Pompey without a fight. Pompey, as he often did while serving Sulla, had Brutus killed for his involvement. When news reached Lepidus, he knew his cause, or perhaps his support was lost, and he gave up plans for marching on Rome. He fled to Sardinia with his forces, where he died shortly after of natural causes. This was not the end of the affair, however. While the situation in Italy was under control, M. Perperna Veiento, a Lepidus' supporter, took what remained of the forces in Sardinia to Spain. There he joined with the rebellion of Sertorius, who had been there in opposition to Sulla for several years already.

Plutarch. (75AD) “Sylla.” The Internet Classics Archive (online) Retrieved on 10th August 2006 from [link]

Sylla
(legendary, died 78 B.C.E.)
By Plutarch
Written 75 A.C.E.
Translated by John Dryden
LUCIUS Cornelius Sylla was descended of a patrician or noble family. Of his ancestors, Rufinus, it is said, had been consul, and incurred a disgrace more signal than his distinction. For being found possessed of more than ten pounds of silver plate, contrary to the law, he was for this reason put out of the senate. His posterity continued ever after in obscurity, nor had Sylla himself any opulent parentage. In his younger days he lived in hired lodgings, at a low rate, which in aftertimes was adduced against him as proof that he had been fortunate above his quality. When he was boasting and magnifying himself for his exploits in Libya, a person of noble station made answer, "And how can you be an honest man, who, since the death of a father who left you nothing, have become so rich?" The time in which he lived was no longer an age of pure and upright manners, but had already declined, and yielded to the appetite for riches and luxury; yet still, in the general opinion, they who deserted the hereditary poverty of their family were as much blamed as those who had run out a fair patrimonial estate. And afterwards, when he had seized the power into his hands, and was putting many to death, a freedman, suspected of having concealed one of the proscribed, and for that reason sentenced to be thrown down the Tarpeian rock, in a reproachful way recounted how they had lived long together under the same roof, himself for the upper rooms paying two thousand sesterces, and Sylla for the lower three thousand; so that the difference between their fortunes then was no more than one thousand sesterces, equivalent in Attic coin to two hundred and fifty drachmas. And thus much of his early fortune.

His general personal appearance may be known by his statues; only his blue, eyes, of themselves extremely keen and glaring, were rendered all the more forbidding and terrible by the complexion of his face, in which white was mixed with rough blotches of fiery red. Hence, it is said, he was surnamed Sylla, and in allusion to it one of the scurrilous jesters at Athens made the verse upon him-

"Sylla is a mulberry sprinkled o'er with meal." Nor is it out of place to make use of marks of character like these, in the case of one who was by nature so addicted to raillery, that in his youthful obscure years he would converse freely with players and professed jesters, and join them in all their low pleasures. And when supreme master of all, he was often wont to muster together the most impudent players and stage-followers of the town, and to drink and bandy jests with them without regard to his age or the dignity of his place, and to the prejudice of important affairs that required his attention. When he was once at table, it was not in Sylla's nature to admit of anything that was serious, and whereas at other times he was a man of business and austere of countenance, he underwent all of a sudden, at his first entrance upon wine and good-fellowship, a total revolution, and was gentle and tractable with common singers and dancers, and ready to oblige any one that spoke with him. It seems to have been a sort of diseased result of this laxity that he was so prone to amorous pleasures, and yielded without resistance to any temptation of voluptuousness, from which even in his old age he could not refrain. He had a long attachment for Metrobius, a player. In his first amours, it happened that he made court to a common but rich lady, Nicopolis by name, and what by the air of his youth, and what by long intimacy, won so far on her affections, that she rather than he was the lover, and at her death she bequeathed him her whole property. He likewise inherited the estate of a step-mother who loved him as her own son. By these means he had pretty well advanced his fortunes.

He was chosen quaestor to Marius in his first consulship, and set sail with him for Libya, to war upon Jugurtha. Here, in general, he gained approbation; and more especially, by closing in dexterously with an accidental occasion, made a friend of Bocchus, King of Numidia. He hospitably entertained the king's ambassadors on their escape from some Numidian robbers, and after showing them much kindness, sent them on their journey with presents, and an escort to protect them. Bocchus had long hated and dreaded his son-in-law, Jugurtha, who had now been worsted in the field and had fled to him for shelter; and it so happened he was at this time entertaining a design to betray him. He accordingly invited Sylla to come to him, wishing the seizure and surrender of Jugurtha to be effected rather through him, than directly by himself. Sylla, when he had communicated the business to Marius, and received from him a small detachment, voluntarily put himself into this imminent danger; and confiding in a barbarian, who had been unfaithful to his own relations, to apprehend another man's person, made surrender of his own. Bocchus, having both of them now in his power, was necessitated to betray one or other, and after long debate with himself, at last resolved on his first design, and gave up Jugurtha into the hands of Sylla.

For this Marius triumphed, but the glory of the enterprise, which through people's envy of Marius was ascribed to Sylla, secretly grieved him. And the truth is, Sylla himself was by nature vainglorious, and this being the first time that from a low and private condition he had risen to esteem amongst the citizens and tasted of honour, his appetite for distinction carried him to such a pitch of ostentation, that he had a representation of this action engraved on a signet ring, which he carried about with him, and made use of ever after. The impress was Bocchus delivering, and Sylla receiving, Jugurtha. This touched Marius to the quick; however, judging Sylla to be beneath his rivalry, he made use of him as lieutenant, in his second consulship, and in his third as tribune; and many considerable services were effected by his means. When acting as lieutenant he took Copillus, chief of the Tectosages, prisoner, and compelled the Marsians, a great and populous nation, to become friends and confederates of the Romans.

Henceforward, however, Sylla, perceiving that Marius bore a jealous eye over him, and would no longer afford him opportunities of action, but rather opposed his advance, attached himself to Catulus, Marius's colleague, a worthy man, but not energetic enough as a general. And under this commander, who intrusted him with the highest and most important commissions, he rose at once to reputation and to power. He subdued by arms most part of the Alpine barbarians; and when there was a scarcity in the armies, he took that care upon himself and brought in such a store of provisions as not only to furnish the soldiers of Catulus with abundance, but likewise to supply Marius. This, as he writes himself, wounded Marius to the very heart. So slight and childish were the first occasions and motives of that enmity between them, which, passing afterwards through a long course of civil bloodshed and incurable divisions to find its end in tyranny, and the confusion of the whole state, proved Euripides to have been truly wise and thoroughly acquainted with the causes of disorders in the body politic, when he forewarned all men to beware of Ambition, as of all the higher Powers the most destructive and pernicious to her votaries.

Sylla, by this time thinking that the reputation of his arms abroad was sufficient to entitle him to a part in the civil administration, betook himself immediately from the camp to the assembly, and offered himself as a candidate for a praetorship, but failed. The fault of this disappointment he wholly ascribes to the populace, who, knowing his intimacy with King Bocchus, and for that reason expecting, that if he was made aedile before his praetorship, he would then show them magnificent hunting-shows and combats between Libyan wild beasts, chose other praetors, on purpose to force him into the aedileship. The vanity of this pretext is sufficiently disproved by matter-of-fact. For the year following, partly by flatteries to the people, and partly by money, he got himself elected praetor. Accordingly, once while he was in office, on his angrily telling Caesar that he should make use of his authority against him, Caesar answered him with a smile, "You do well to call it your own, as you bought it." At the end of his praetorship he was sent over into Cappadocia, under the pretence of reestablishing Ariobarzanes in his kingdom, but in reality to keep in check the restless movements of Mithridates, who was gradually procuring himself as vast a new acquired power and dominion as was that of his ancient inheritance. He carried over with him no great forces of his own, but making use of the cheerful aid of the confederates, succeeded, with considerable slaughter of the Cappadocians, and yet greater of the Armenian succours, in expelling Gordius and establishing Ariobarzanes as king.

During his stay on the banks of the Euphrates, there came to him Orobazus, a Parthian, ambassador from King Arsaces, as yet there having been no correspondence between the two nations. And this also we may lay to the account of Sylla's felicity, that he should be the first Roman to whom the Parthians made address for alliance and friendship. At the time of which reception, the story is, that, having ordered three chairs of state to be set, one for Ariobarzanes, one for Orobazus, and a third for himself, he placed himself in the middle, and so gave audience. For this the King of Parthia afterwards put Orobazus to death. Some people commended Sylla for his lofty carriage towards the barbarians; others again accused him of arrogance and unseasonable display. It is reported that a certain Chaldaean, of Orobazus's retinue, looking Sylla wistfully in the face, and observing carefully the motions of his mind and body, and forming a judgment of his nature, according to the rules of his art, said that it was impossible for him not to become the greatest of men; it was rather a wonder how he could even then abstain from being head of all.

At his return, Censorinus impeached him of extortion, for having exacted a vast sum of money from a well-affected and associate kingdom. However, Censorinus did not appear at the trial, but dropped his accusation. His quarrel, meantime, with Marius began to break out afresh, receiving new material from the ambition of Bocchus, who, to please the people of Rome, and gratify Sylla, set up in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus images bearing trophies, and a representation in gold of the surrender of Jugurtha to Sylla. When Marius, in great anger, attempted to pull them down, and others aided Sylla, the whole city would have been in tumult and commotion with this dispute, had not the Social War, which had long lain smouldering, blazed forth at last, and for the present put an end to the quarrel.

In the course of this war, which had many great changes of fortune, and which, more than any, afflicted the Romans, and, indeed, endangered the very being of the Commonwealth, Marius was not able to signalize his valour in any action, but left behind him a clear proof, that warlike excellence requires a strong and still vigorous body. Sylla, on the other hand, by his many achievements, gained himself, with his fellow-citizens, the name of a great commander, while his friends thought him the greatest of all commanders, and his enemies called him the most fortunate. Nor did this make the same sort of impression on him as it made on Timotheus the son of Conon, the Athenian; who, when his adversaries ascribed his successes to his good luck, and had a painting made, representing him asleep, and Fortune by his side, casting her nets over the cities, was rough and violent in his indignation at those who did it, as if, by attributing all to Fortune, they had robbed him of his just honours; and said to the people on one occasion at his return from war, "In this, ye men of Athens, Fortune had no part." A piece of boyish petulance, which the deity, we are told, played back upon Timotheus; who from that time was never able to achieve anything that was great, but proving altogether unfortunate in his attempts, and falling into discredit with the people, was at last banished the city. Sylla, on the contrary, not only accepted with pleasure the credit of such divine felicities and favours, but joining himself and extolling and glorifying what was done, gave the honour of all to Fortune, whether it were out of boastfulness, or a real feeling of divine agency. He remarks, in his Memoirs, that of all his well-advised actions, none proved so lucky in the execution as what he had boldly enterprised, not by calculation, but upon the moment. And, in the character which he gives of himself, that he was born for fortune rather than war, he seems to give Fortune a higher place than merit, and, in short, makes himself entirely the creature of a superior power, accounting even his concord with Metellus, his equal in office, and his connection by marriage, a piece of preternatural felicity. For expecting to have met in him a most troublesome, he found him a most accommodating, colleague. Moreover, in the Memoirs which he dedicated to Lucullus, he admonished him to esteem nothing more trustworthy than what the divine powers advise him by night. And when he was leaving the city with an army, to fight in the Social War, he relates that the earth near the Laverna opened, and a quantity of fire came rushing out of it, shooting up with a bright flame into the heavens. The soothsayers upon this foretold that a person of great qualities, and of a rare and singular aspect, should take the government in hand, and quiet the present troubles of the city. Sylla affirms he was the man, for his golden head of hair made him an extraordinary-looking man, nor had he any shame, after the great actions he had done, in testifying to his own great qualities. And thus much of his opinion as to divine agency.

In general he would seem to have been of a very irregular character, full of inconsistencies with himself much given to rapine, to prodigality yet more; in promoting or disgracing whom he pleased, alike unaccountable; cringing to those he stood in need of, and domineering over others who stood in need of him, so that it was hard to tell whether his nature had more in it of pride or of servility. As to his unequal distribution of punishments, as, for example, that upon slight grounds he would put to the torture, and again would bear patiently with the greatest wrongs; would readily forgive and he reconciled after the most heinous acts of enmity, and yet would visit small and inconsiderable offences with death and confiscation of goods; one might judge that in himself he was really of a violent and revengeful nature, which, however, he could qualify, upon reflection, for his interest. In this very Social War, when the soldiers with stones and clubs had killed an officer of praetorian rank, his own lieutenant, Albinus by name, he passed by this flagrant crime without any inquiry, giving it out moreover in a boast, that the soldiers would behave all the better now, to make amends, by some special bravery, for their breach of discipline. He took no notice of the clamours of those that cried for justice, but designing already to supplant Marius, now that he saw the Social War near its end, he made much of his army, in hopes to get himself declared general of the forces against Mithridates.

At his return to Rome he was chosen consul with Quintus Pompeius, in the fiftieth year of his age, and made a most distinguished marriage with Caecilia, daughter of Metellus, the chief priest. The common people made a variety of verses in ridicule of the marriage, and many of the nobility also were disgusted at it, esteeming him, as Livy writes, unworthy of this connection, whom before they thought worthy of a consulship. This was not his only wife, for first, in his younger days, he was married to Ilia, by whom he had a daughter; after her to Aelia; and thirdly to Cloelia, whom he dismissed as barren, but honourably, and with professions of respect, adding, moreover, presents. But the match between him and Metella, falling out a few days after, occasioned suspicions that he had complained of Cloelia without due cause. To Metella he always showed great deference, so much so that the people, when anxious for the recall of the exiles of Marius's party, upon his refusal, entreated the intercession of Metella. And the Athenians, it is thought, had harder measure, at the capture of their town, because they used insulting language to Metella in their jests from the walls during the siege. But of this hereafter.

At present esteeming the consulship but a small matter in comparison of things to come, he was impatiently carried away in thought to the Mithridatic War. Here he was withstood by Marius; who out of mad affectation of glory and thirst for distinction, those never dying passions, though he were now unwieldy in body, and had given up service, on account of his age, during the late campaigns, still coveted after command in a distant war beyond the seas. And whilst Sylla was departed for the camp, to order the rest of his affairs there, he sate brooding at home, and at last hatched that execrable sedition, which wrought Rome more mischief than all her enemies together had done, as was indeed foreshown by the gods. For a flame broke forth of its own accord, from under the staves of the ensigns, and was with difficulty extinguished. Three ravens brought their young into the open road, and ate them, carrying the relics into the nest again. Mice having gnawed the consecrated gold in one of the temples, the keepers caught one of them, a female, in a trap; and she bringing forth five young ones in the very trap, devoured three of them. But what was greatest of all, in a calm and clear sky there was heard the sound of a trumpet, with such a loud and dismal blast, as struck terror and amazement into the hearts of the people. The Etruscan sages affirmed that this prodigy betokened the mutation of the age, and a general revolution in the world. For according to them there are in all eight ages, differing one from another in the lives and the characters of men, and to each of these God has allotted a certain measure of time, determined by the circuit of the great year. And when one age is run out, at the approach of another, there appears some wonderful sign from earth or heaven, such as makes it manifest at once to those who have made it their business to study such things, that there has succeeded in the world a new race of men, differing in customs and institutes of life, and more or less regarded by the gods than the preceding. Among other great changes that happen, as they say, at the turn of ages, the art of divination, also, at one time rises in esteem, and is more successful in its predictions, clearer and surer tokens being sent from God, and then, again, in another generation declines as low, becoming mere guesswork for the most part, and discerning future events by dim and uncertain intimations. This was the mythology of the wisest of the Tuscan sages, who were thought to possess a knowledge beyond other men. Whilst the senate sat in consultation with the soothsayers, concerning these prodigies, in the temple of Bellona, a sparrow came flying in, before them all, with a grasshopper in its mouth, and letting fall one part of it, flew away with the remainder. The diviners foreboded commotions and dissensions between the great landed proprietors and the common city populace; the latter, like the grasshopper, being loud and talkative; while the sparrow might represent the "dwellers in the field."

Marius had taken into alliance Sulpicius, the tribune, a man second to none in any villainies, so that it was less the question what others he surpassed, but rather in what respects he most surpassed himself in wickedness. He was cruel, bold, rapacious, and in all these points utterly shameless and unscrupulous; not hesitating to offer Roman citizenship by public sale to freed slaves and aliens, and to count out the price on public money-tables in the forum. He maintained three thousand swordsmen, and had always about him a company of young men of the equestrian class ready for all occasions, whom he styled his Anti-senate. Having had a law enacted, that no senator should contract a debt of above two thousand drachmas, he himself, after death, was found indebted three millions. This was the man whom Marius let in upon the Commonwealth, and who, confounding all things by force and the sword, made several ordinances of dangerous consequence, and amongst the rest one giving Marius the conduct of the Mithridatic war. Upon this the consuls proclaimed a public cessation of business, but as they were holding an assembly near the temple of Castor and Pollux, he let loose the rabble upon them, and amongst many others slew the consul Pompeius's young son in the forum, Pompeius himself hardly escaping in the crowd. Sylla, being closely pursued into the house of Marius, was forced to come forth and dissolve the cessation; and for his doing this, Sulpicius, having deposed Pompeius, allowed Sylla to continue his consulship, only transferring the Mithridatic expedition to Marius.

There were immediately despatched to Nola tribunes to receive the army, and bring it to Marius; but Sylla, having got first to the camp, and the soldiers, upon hearing the news, having stoned the tribunes, Marius, in requital, proceeded to put the friends of Sylla in the city to the sword, and rifled their goods. Every kind of removal and flight went on, some hastening from the camp to the city, others from the city to the camp. The senate, no more in its own power, but wholly governed by the dictates of Marius and Sulpicius, alarmed at the report of Sylla's advancing with his troops towards the city, sent forth two of the praetors, Brutus and Servilius, to forbid his nearer approach. The soldiers would have slain these praetors in a fury, for their bold language to Sylla; contenting themselves, however, with breaking their rods, and tearing off their purple-edged robes, after much contumelious usage they sent them back, to the sad dejection of the citizens, who beheld their magistrates despoiled of their badges of office, and announcing to them that things were now manifestly come to a rupture past all cure. Marius put himself in readiness, and Sylla with his colleague moved from Nola, at the head of six complete legions, all of them willing to march up directly against the city, though he himself as yet was doubtful in thought, and apprehensive of the danger. As he was sacrificing, Postumius the soothsayer, having inspected the entrails, stretching forth both hands to Sylla, required to be bound and kept in custody till the battle was over, as willing, if they had not speedy and complete success, to suffer the utmost punishment. It is said, also, that there appeared to Sylla himself, in a dream, a certain goddess,

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